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    "parsed_content": "Russia-Ukraine WarThe LatestTrump-Putin MeetingUkraine Restores Watchdogs\u2019 PowersRussia\u2019s Mobile InternetSurviving a 9-Story FallAdvertisementSKIP ADVERTISEMENTSupported bySKIP ADVERTISEMENTThe Quiet Technocrat Who Enacts Putin\u2019s Ruthless AgendaFor three years, Sergei V. Kiriyenko has handled the political aspects of the war in Ukraine, rising among a cadre of skilled managers who oversee the sprawling Russian state.Share full articleSergei V. Kiriyenko in Moscow in 2023. His modest title, first deputy chief of staff, belies a sprawling portfolio of responsibilities.Credit...Maxim Shemetov\/ReutersBy Anton TroianovskiAnton Troianovski is the Moscow bureau chief for The New York Times. He spoke extensively with Kremlin insiders, Western officials and former colleagues of Sergei V. Kiriyenko to trace his rise to power.Aug. 10, 2025Updated 5:23 a.m. ETThe Kremlin official boasted of his commitment to healthy living, opening a door in his office to show a visiting businessman what looked like a private gym. Then he described his latest project: stage-managing \u201creferendums\u201d in occupied Ukraine to make it look like those regions wanted to join Russia.The Moscow businessman, who had come to see him about another matter, recalled that the official, Sergei V. Kiriyenko, had gone into great detail about the referendums, even listing the percentage breakdown of the results the Kremlin would declare.He added that Mr. Kiriyenko left the impression of a calm, ambitious bureaucrat \u201csolving a concrete, technical problem.\u201dSince that meeting three years ago, it has become more clear than ever that Mr. Kiriyenko is the man who turns President Vladimir V. Putin\u2019s ideas into action.As the Russian leader wages war, Mr. Kiriyenko oversees wide-ranging government efforts to tighten Mr. Putin\u2019s grip on the country and on occupied Ukraine. He has also recently gained new power inside the Kremlin, taking over much of the portfolio of another Putin aide who disagreed with the invasion of Ukraine.Despite his modest title of first deputy chief of staff to Mr. Putin, Mr. Kiriyenko represents an underappreciated aspect of how the Russian president exercises power, forming part of a cadre of skilled, loyal and opportunistic managers who direct the sprawling apparatus of the Russian state.For more than three years, Mr. Putin has leaned on Mr. Kiriyenko, 63, to manage the political aspects of the Ukraine war. Cracking down on domestic opposition. Expanding the Kremlin\u2019s control of the internet. Pushing Mr. Putin\u2019s narrative into Russian schools and culture. Shaping propaganda and governance in occupied Ukraine. Attempting to legitimize Russia\u2019s land grab.ImageFirst aid training at a school in Kursk, Russia, in 2024, part of a new subject called \u201cFundamentals of Security and Protection of the Motherland.\u201dCredit...Nanna Heitmann for The New York TimesImageCelebrating in Moscow in 2022 after a ceremony to sign accession treaties for territories seized from Ukraine.Credit...Yuri Kochetkov\/EPA, via ShutterstockJust in the past few months, Mr. Kiriyenko\u2019s reach has extended to efforts to reintegrate Ukraine war veterans into civilian life and to push Russians onto a state-affiliated messaging app instead of Western ones. If Mr. Putin makes a deal with President Trump at their planned summit in Alaska on Friday to end the fighting in Ukraine, it is likely to be Mr. Kiriyenko\u2019s job to sell any compromise to Russians as a victory.In interviews, more than a dozen former colleagues and other Russians who know Mr. Kiriyenko described him as a man whose proficiency in the minutiae of control and influence have greased the machinery of Mr. Putin\u2019s autocracy. Many of the people, including three close to the Kremlin, spoke to The New York Times on the condition of anonymity for fear of retribution.The Kremlin declined to make Mr. Kiriyenko available for an interview and did not respond to a request for comment.One of his former aides, Boris B. Nadezhdin, said that he noticed Mr. Kiriyenko\u2019s skill at managing personnel and at staying in his bosses\u2019 good graces three decades ago, when Mr. Kiriyenko was a deputy energy minister. The two men would collide in 2024, when the Kremlin blocked Mr. Nadezhdin\u2019s attempt to run for president against Mr. Putin.Mr. Nadezhdin noted in an interview that Russia\u2019s era of independent politicians had passed. He said that the Putin era belonged to those like Mr. Kiriyenko \u2014 \u201ca person who does not try to implement any of his own plans, ideas and so on, but simply, clearly carries out tasks.\u201d\u2018Without Rules\u2019Mr. Kiriyenko casts himself as a student of the cold calculus of power.He is a sixth-rank black belt in aikido, a Japanese martial art focused on harnessing an opponent\u2019s energy and turning it against them. He professes an interest in Methodology, a Soviet-era school of philosophy in which society can be engineered, managed and transformed from above.In the tumult of modern Russian politics, that focus on power has translated for Mr. Kiriyenko into shifting alliances and repeated reinvention. \u201cIn a game without rules,\u201d he once told an interviewer, \u201cthe one who makes the rules wins.\u201dMr. Kiriyenko was just 35 in 1998 when he briefly became Russia\u2019s prime minister. His youthful image and meteoric rise \u2014 he\u2019d been a regional oil refinery manager a few years before \u2014 earned him the nickname Kinder Surprise, a play on the name of a European children\u2019s candy.ImageMr. Kiriyenko, then the Russian prime minister, in Tokyo in 1998. His rapid rise to power at a relatively young age earned him the nickname Kinder Surprise.Credit...Yoshikazu Tsuno\/Agence France-PresseImagePresident Vladimir V. Putin, on the day of his inauguration in 2000, attending a ceremony in Moscow at the Tomb of the Unknown Soldier. Mr. Kiriyenko represents an underappreciated aspect of how Mr. Putin exercises power.Credit...Yuri Kochetkov\/Agence France-PresseAfter losing his post when Russia defaulted on its debt, Mr. Kiriyenko co-founded a party pushing Western-style economic overhauls. He took a crash course in literature to appeal to the urban middle class, reading five books a week in the midst of his 1999 election campaigns for Moscow mayor and for the Russian Parliament, according to Marat A. Guelman, then his campaign manager.\u201cHe was quick to perceive, quick to change,\u201d said Mr. Guelman, who later turned against Mr. Putin and now lives in Berlin.After Mr. Putin won the presidency in 2000, Mr. Kiriyenko pivoted again and quit Parliament to work for the Kremlin. A few years on, Mr. Guelman asked for help for an associate who had run afoul of the authorities, describing him to Mr. Kiriyenko as \u201ca person of our convictions.\u201d Mr. Kiriyenko, Mr. Guelman recalled, shot back: \u201cI don\u2019t have convictions now \u2014 I\u2019m a soldier of Putin.\u201dAlfred R. Kokh, a 1990s-era deputy prime minister of Russia who also left the country, described a similar exchange. He complained to Mr. Kiriyenko in 2003 about improprieties in that year\u2019s parliamentary election campaign.\u201cAre we going to la-la,\u201d Mr. Kiriyenko replied, \u201cor are we going to talk business?\u201dPowerful FriendsAlready ensconced in the Kremlin machinery, Mr. Kiriyenko ran one of the government\u2019s biggest businesses from 2005 to 2016: Rosatom, the state nuclear energy conglomerate.During those years, Mr. Kiriyenko deepened a bond with a banking and media magnate, Yuri V. Kovalchuk, according to Western officials and several of the Kiriyenko associates who spoke to The Times. A physicist by training, Mr. Kovalchuk is widely seen as one of Mr. Putin\u2019s closest friends.He persuaded Mr. Putin to bring Mr. Kiriyenko back to the Kremlin, some of those people said. Mr. Kiriyenko had proven himself at Rosatom, modernizing the company with Japanese management principles and extending Russian influence by striking deals around the globe.In his new Kremlin job, Mr. Kiriyenko was entrusted with orchestrating Mr. Putin\u2019s version of democracy, an exercise in cementing the president\u2019s legitimacy and keeping control of a far-flung nation. As the first deputy chief of staff overseeing domestic politics, Mr. Kiriyenko planned the selection of the Kremlin\u2019s preferred candidate for governor in each of Russia\u2019s more than 80 regions, the elections to fill the more than 600 seats in Parliament and the stage management of Mr. Putin\u2019s own re-election in 2018 and in 2024.ImageMr. Kiriyenko, left, in southern Iran in 2010, when he was head of Rosatom, the Russian state nuclear energy conglomerate. In that role, he won plaudits for modernizing the company.Credit...Abedin Taherkenareh\/European Pressphoto AgencyImageMoscow in 2020. For more than three years, Mr. Putin has leaned on Mr. Kiriyenko to manage the political aspects of the Ukraine war, including expanding the Kremlin\u2019s control of the internet.Credit...Kirill Kudryavtsev\/Agence France-Presse \u2014 Getty Images\u201cHe\u2019s the technical implementer,\u201d said Grigory A. Yavlinsky, a liberal politician in Moscow who ran for president, with the Kremlin\u2019s approval, in 2018. \u201cIt\u2019s a huge amount of work.\u201dMr. Kiriyenko also held contests to identify the next generations of technocrats, featuring online aptitude tests and role-playing leadership games. Just this year, finalists of his \u201cLeaders of Russia\u201d competition have been named to government roles such as auditing construction projects in occupied Ukraine, managing bus transit in suburban Moscow and running the health ministry in Khabarovsk in Russia\u2019s Far East.He has broadened his portfolio further by taking on Russia\u2019s last bastion of free speech: the internet. In 2021, Mr. Kiriyenko wrested control of the country\u2019s most popular social network, VK, from an oligarch. Mr. Kovalchuk put up much of the money. Mr. Kiriyenko\u2019s son became C.E.O. Mr. Kovalchuk\u2019s grandnephew took another senior role.The power of that alliance was on display in a blitz that many analysts saw as a prelude to a potential ban on WhatsApp.In March, VK unveiled its own messaging app. In June, Russia\u2019s communications minister praised the company for releasing a \u201cfully Russian messenger\u201d in a televised meeting with Mr. Putin. Days later, Russian lawmakers passed a bill mandating that a Russian-made messaging app should come preinstalled on all smartphones. In July, the government announced that this app would be the one developed by VK.\u201cFor us, the government is always a partner and a senior comrade,\u201d Mr. Kiriyenko\u2019s son and the head of VK, Vladimir S. Kiriyenko, said in April.Backing the InvasionAs Mr. Putin massed troops and plotted his 2022 invasion of Ukraine, the president\u2019s political aides were largely in the dark, Mr. Kiriyenko\u2019s associates said. The three people close to the Kremlin said they were convinced that Mr. Kiriyenko didn\u2019t share the fixation on Ukraine\u2019s pro-Western turn that drove Mr. Putin to attack the country.After the war started, Mr. Kiriyenko soon refashioned himself once again. Trading his suit for olive-green shirts, he started traveling to occupied Ukraine amid the fighting, touring hospitals and schools.He worked on planning a public \u201cwar crimes\u201d trial of Ukrainians to show Mr. Putin fulfilling his promise to \u201cdenazify\u201d the country, one of his associates told The Times in June 2022. The trial never materialized as Russian forces struggled on the battlefield, but Mr. Kiriyenko said at a conference in 2023 that the war \u201cmust end with trials of Ukrainian criminals.\u201dHe did succeed in putting on a different show \u2014 the sham referendums in which Moscow claimed Ukrainians under Russian occupation had voted overwhelmingly to become part of Russia.Inside Russia, Mr. Kiriyenko used the levers of his office to try to engineer popular support for Mr. Putin\u2019s invasion.The Public Projects Directorate, a unit focused on patriotic initiatives that Mr. Kiriyenko oversees, developed propaganda lessons for Russian schoolchildren. His staff also pressured midlevel officials to serve stints as administrators in occupied Ukraine, said Sergei Markov, a pro-Putin analyst in Moscow who has worked with the Kremlin.\u201cSure, those who don\u2019t want to can refuse,\u201d Mr. Markov said. \u201cBut in that case they understand that they\u2019ll face serious limits on their careers.\u201dMr. Kiriyenko\u2019s portfolio also includes the arts. He has ramped up government support for pro-war entertainers who backed the war while blackballing those critical of it, according to Russian media reports. Iosif I. Prigozhin, a major music producer, said in an interview with The Times that the Kremlin gave \u201ca blank check\u201d after the invasion to musicians who were \u201cmore focused on national interests.\u201dImageDetaining an antiwar protester in central Moscow in 2022. In his role at the Kremlin, Mr. Kiriyenko has been entrusted with orchestrating Mr. Putin\u2019s version of democracy and cracking down on dissent.Credit...Sergey Ponomarev for The New York TimesImageThe Russian music producer Iosif I. Prigozhin in the United Arab Emirates in April. He said that the Kremlin gave \u201ca blank check\u201d to musicians who were \u201cmore focused on national interests.\u201dCredit...Katarina Premfors for The New York TimesMr. Prigozhin\u2019s wife, the pop star Valeria, has performed at patriotic concerts in Red Square. He called Mr. Kiriyenko \u201cpositive, decent, sensitive and precise.\u201d When Mr. Kiriyenko\u2019s office seeks performers for events, \u201cthe approach is not demanding, but suggestive,\u201d Mr. Prigozhin said.Mr. Kiriyenko\u2019s policies are also backed up by the full force of the Russian state. Thousands of antiwar Russians have been prosecuted or forced into exile in an effort that many analysts, opposition figures and the former colleagues of Mr. Kiriyenko say they believe was largely coordinated by him as the Kremlin official who oversees domestic politics.Ilya V. Yashin, a Russian opposition leader, had just been arrested and interrogated in July 2022 when he said he chatted with a security service agent in the grim corridor of a law enforcement agency in Moscow while waiting for his prisoner transport to arrive.The agent told him that his arrest was a \u201cpolitical decision,\u201d dropping hints about a \u201cSergei\u201d in the Kremlin who was a \u201cbuddy\u201d of Boris Y. Nemtsov, the politician who brought Mr. Kiriyenko into government in the 1990s. The suggestion was that Mr. Kiriyenko was responsible for his fate, Mr. Yashin recalled in an interview after his release in a prisoner exchange last year, though he noted he couldn\u2019t be certain of Mr. Kiriyenko\u2019s role, if any.To Mr. Yashin, the irony was remarkable. Both he and Mr. Kiriyenko were allies, at different times, of Mr. Nemtsov, a Russian opposition leader assassinated in 2015.\u201cNow Nemtsov is dead, and one of his friends put another one in prison,\u201d Mr. Yashin wrote from jail in 2022.\u2018Absolutely Opportunistic\u2019In February of this year, Russian state news outlets reported that Mr. Kiriyenko was managing public unrest in Abkhazia, a Russian-backed breakaway region of Georgia. To help show the benefits of being on the Kremlin\u2019s side, Mr. Kiriyenko offered a gift of 20 Russian school buses and organized a version of his trademark leadership competitions.Mr. Kiriyenko\u2019s remit has been increasingly expanding outside Russia\u2019s borders.A different Kremlin deputy chief of staff, Dmitri N. Kozak, oversaw relations with Abkhazia as recently as last year. But Mr. Kozak has lost influence in Moscow amid his criticism of the invasion of Ukraine, according to the three people close to the Kremlin, a U.S. official and a Western contact. In the past few months, they said, Mr. Kozak presented Mr. Putin with a proposal to immediately stop the fighting in Ukraine, start peace negotiations and reduce the power of Russia\u2019s security services.ImageA police patrol in February in front of the electoral commission in Sukhumi, capital of the self-proclaimed republic of Abkhazia, a Russian-backed breakaway region of Georgia.Credit...Yuri Kochetkov\/EPA, via ShutterstockImageRussian officials including, second from right, Dmitri N. Kozak, a deputy chief of staff, after a summit in Geneva in 2021. Mr. Kozak has lost influence in Moscow, according to three people close to the Kremlin.Credit...Denis Balibouse\/ReutersThe Russian president has kept Mr. Kozak, who has been at Mr. Putin\u2019s side since the 1990s, in his senior post. But he has shifted much of Mr. Kozak\u2019s portfolio to Mr. Kiriyenko, including managing Kremlin relations with Moldova and with the two breakaway regions of Georgia, the people said.The expansion of Mr. Kiriyenko\u2019s influence shows how his star continues to rise at the Kremlin as he embraces and executes Mr. Putin\u2019s wartime policies.Mr. Kiriyenko is \u201ceffective\u201d and \u201cabsolutely opportunistic,\u201d Mr. Yashin said. If Mr. Putin or a future Russian leader pivots back toward the West someday, Mr. Yashin said, \u201cKiriyenko will find the words for it.\u201dPaul Sonne, Michael Schwirtz and Julian E. Barnes contributed reporting.Anton Troianovski is the Moscow bureau chief for The Times. He writes about Russia, Eastern Europe, the Caucasus and Central Asia.See more on: Russia-Ukraine War, Vladimir PutinRead 2 CommentsShare full articleRelated ContentAdvertisementSKIP ADVERTISEMENT",
    "ai_headline": "The Quiet Technocrat Who Enacts Putin\u2019s Ruthless Agenda",
    "ai_simplified_title": "Kiriyenko Manages Ukraine War for Putin",
    "ai_excerpt": "Sergei Kiriyenko, a first deputy chief of staff, is managing the political aspects of the war in Ukraine, including propaganda and control. He is seen as a key executor of Putin's agenda, overseeing efforts to tighten the Kremlin's grip. Kiriyenko's influence has expanded, taking on responsibilities from officials who disagreed with the invasion.",
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        "Vladimir Putin",
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        "War"
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